Presidential Elections Should Be for All of Us
by Rob Richie and Steven Hill
Every presidential election matters, but 2004 has particular
significance. Re-election of George W. Bush with the return of
Republican majorities in the US Senate and House could tip the
ideological balance of the Supreme Court and federal courts for a
generation. It could trigger a wave of Democratic retirements in the
House that might cement Republican domination on Capitol Hill for
decades. It could unleash a wave of hard-right policy initiatives.
So everyone should be involved, right? In a democracy, it's one person,
one vote?
There's just one problem: that's not the way we elect the president. We
cling to a thoroughly outmoded Electoral College that divides us along
regional lines, undercuts accountability, dampens voter participation,
and can undermine legitimacy when the electoral vote trumps the national
popular vote. As the bumper sticker notes, Democrats have to RE-defeat
Bush this year because the Electoral College denied Al Gore's popular
vote advantage of a half-million votes in 2000.
Instead of a simple national election, we hold 51 separate contests in
the states and the District of Columbia, with each state having a number
of electoral votes equal to its number of US Senators and House members
(ranging from three electoral votes in the states with the fewest people
to California with 55). This arrangement awards more electoral votes per
capita to low population states which tend to be conservative, giving
Republican candidates an unfair advantage. It's like having a foot race
where one side starts ten yards ahead of the other.
A presidential candidate needs to receive the highest number of votes
in the right combination of states to win a majority of the Electoral
College vote. The perverse incentives created by this method are
painfully obvious from this year's campaign--most states already are
effectively ignored by the candidates and groups seeking to mobilize
voters because in a competitive national race most states are dominated
by one party or the other. Most campaign focus and energy--and
increasingly, even the candidates' messages for how they plan to govern
-- are pitched to undecided swing voters in the key battleground states.
If you feel like your issues and concerns are being ignored, chances are
it's because you live in the wrong state and/or are not part of the
faceless slice of undecided swing voters.
The Electoral College's democratic deficit is compounded by the use of
plurality elections--the candidate with the most votes wins 100 percent
of the electoral votes from that state, even if less than a majority.
Plurality elections mean that a popular majority can be fractured by the
presence of a third party candidate. Far more than any ballot corruption
in Florida, Al Gore was hurt by the nearly hundred thousand voters in
Florida who supported Ralph Nader.
So what can be done? Over the years, leading national political figures
like Strom Thurmond, Orrin Hatch, Ted Kennedy, Kweisi Mfume, Hillary
Clinton and John McCain have supported approaches to amend, reform or
scrap the Electoral College. The time has come to institute a national
direct election.
While there are serious proposals that would keep the Electoral
College, fundamentally, the only transparent solution to this
anti-democratic mess is to have "one person, one vote" all across the
nation. Every American voter should count as much as every other voter,
it shouldn't depend on where you live. All would have the same incentive
to vote, no matter your postal address.
There are important questions to resolve for a nationwide direct
election, however. One of them is related to our antiquated plurality
tradition where the highest vote-getter wins, even if less than a
majority. This has happened in several gubernatorial elections in the
past decade. That possibility occurring for a nationwide presidential
election presents problems of legitimacy.
To prevent this problem, most direct election amendments call for a
second "runoff" election between the top two finishers if no candidate
receives at least 40 percent of the vote. But 40 percent is an arbitrary
standard that is too low for winning our highest office. A strong leader
should be able to reach out effectively to enough voters to command
majority support.
Two-round runoffs also pose problems. Candidates would have to scramble
for extra cash to run a second campaign, and additional costs to
election officials for a nationwide election could be a half billion
dollars. And voters would have to trudge out to the polls one more time.
Rather than mandate a low 40 percent threshold and two rounds of voting,
any amendment to the Constitution should allow electoral mechanisms to
determine a majority winner in a single election, such as instant runoff
voting (IRV.) IRV simulates a two-round runoff in one election by
allowing voters to rank their "runoff" choices along with their first
choice, 1, 2, 3. Instead of having a second election, ballot-counters
use the rankings to determine the runoff choices of those voters whose
first choice failed to advance to the runoff. The system is used for
major elections in Great Britain, Australia and Ireland, and this year
in such diverse settings as the Utah Republican Party state convention
and city elections in San Francisco.
With large majorities of Americans against the Electoral College,
Democrats have nothing to fear in picking up on Hillary Clinton's call
in November 2000 for a constitutional amendment for direct election.
And they have much to gain: a unique opportunity to end an
anti-democratic, 18th-century anachronism.
Rob Richie is executive director of the Center for Voting and Democracy
(www.fairvote.org).
Steven Hill is the Center's senior analyst and also
author of Fixing Elections: The Failure of America's Winner Take All
Politics. Readers may write to them at: The Center for Voting &
Democracy, 6930 Carroll Avenue, Suite 610, Takoma Park, Md. 20912,
info@fairvote.org.
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