| Who Killed Dr. Martin Luther King Jr? (part 1)
interview of King family attorney William F. Pepper
by Joe Martin
The following article was originally published in Real Change magazine
and is reprinted with permission.
There's a good chance that you missed the trial of the century, the
twentieth century, that is. It took place in Memphis, Tennessee in 1999.
It was a civil trial in which a jury comprised of six whites and six
blacks heard four weeks worth of testimony from 70 witnesses and
concluded, after deliberating for about an hour, that elements of the
government of the United States conspired to murder Martin Luther King
Jr., whose family was awarded damages totaling $100. There was some
mainstream media reaction: mostly to disparage the evidence, or to
completely dismiss the trial and its disturbing conclusions. There were
few, if any, comments from elected officials at any level of government.
The silence, as they say, was deafening.
This extraordinary civil trial would never have happened if not for the
courage and persistence of one man: William F. Pepper. An American
lawyer, an expert on international human rights, and a seminar leader on
that subject at Oxford University, Pepper became close to King during
the last year of his life. It was the insanity of Vietnam that brought
the two men together.
During the Vietnam War, Pepper journeyed to that battered Asian land,
and out of his experience he rendered a powerful essay, The Children of
Vietnam. The piece appeared in the journal Ramparts in January, 1967. Up
until that time, King and Pepper had never met. On perusing that issue
of Ramparts, King encountered Pepper's shocking photos: Vietnamese
children, horrifically scorched by napalm dropped from US planes. King
was sickened by what he saw. He had long been very uncomfortable with
the war, and Pepper's article convinced King that the time had come for
him to formally declare his opposition to the madness. Though it would
anger and upset many of his closest supporters, it was a step King now
felt utterly compelled to take. And King well knew it was a step fraught
with risk.
On April 4, 1967, exactly one year before his assassination, King gave
his eloquent Riverside Church speech in which he came out
unconditionally against the war in Vietnam. In the course of the
strenuous year ahead, King would consider a run for the presidency as an
alternative peace candidate to the two major parties. And he would begin
laying the groundwork for his most radical and far-reaching campaign to
date: the Poor People's Campaign. All would be shattered when a shot
rang out on an April evening in Memphis in 1968. That fatal shot is
still echoing throughout our world, a world immersed in the cauldron of
military madness while the wretched of all the earth, by the hundreds of
millions, go homeless, go hungry, and die of disease and despair.
Pepper was in Seattle recently to discuss the implications of King's
assassination and the civil trial he helped to bring about, all of which
are examined in detail in his stunning new book An Act of State, The
Execution of Martin Luther King (Verso, 2003).
Joe Martin: The official story pertaining to Martin Luther King's death
is that a lone gunman, a criminal and racist named James Earl Ray, took
one rifle shot at King and succeeded in killing him. Ray, the story
goes, managed to flee the scene of the crime and for over two months
avoided arrest until he was apprehended in England. Eventually, he
confessed to the crime and remained imprisoned until his death a few
years ago. End of story. What lead you to question this scenario?
William Pepper: Oh, I didn't question it right away; in fact, I pretty
much accepted the tale that James was the shooter, acting on his own,
and that there was little else to prove. Deeply saddened and
discouraged, I'd left politics entirely after Martin's death. It wasn't
until 1977 that I became aware that something was not right about the
official line.
What rekindled your interest?
Martin's old friend, Ralph Abernathy, called me and said that he wanted
me to go with him to talk to Martin's alleged killer. This took me by
surprise, but I told Ralph that I would go along. Prior to our meeting,
I decided to read up on the case. I was frankly intrigued on first
encountering James. It turned out that he was not a vehement racist,
and, interestingly, he knew little about guns. In fact, he told me that
he once had shot himself in the foot. He was rather shy and docile in
his demeanor. In 1969, days after he confessed to the crime, James made
a retraction and declared his innocence. Right then, he asked for a
trial. James had been given very inept legal assistance at that time.
During our first meeting in 1977, I heard from James a very different
story about the death of King. I began to wonder if the official story
we'd been told about Martin's death might be less than truthful. And at
this first meeting, we had even brought along a body language specialist
from Harvard. We wanted this specialist to observe our interview and
tell us if there was anything suspicious in James' expressions that
might indicate he was conning us. There wasn't anything. When it was
over, the meeting had lasted five hours, both Ralph and I concluded that
James had not killed Martin. At that point, I began my own investigation
into Martin's assassination. Eventually, years later, I would become
James' attorney.
What did you unearth as you undertook your own investigation?
I found out a lot that I had not expected to find. In the post-9/11 age,
every American citizen needs to know about the shadowy political
underside of this nation. The real story behind Martin's death lays bare
this violent and anti-democratic underside. By 1968, Martin had become a
true nonviolent revolutionary. He had moved his focus from civil rights
to human rights. He had come out firmly against the war in Vietnam. He
wanted to restore critical domestic programs hindered by the siphoning
off of dollars for the war. He wanted to help bring about a peaceful
social revolution in the United States. Martin wanted to restructure the
economic apparatus of American society. He wanted to work for the
redistribution of wealth in this country. He was about to challenge the
fundamentals of American capitalism. It was the greatest risk he ever
took. He would be killed as a result.
How was King going to undertake this challenge?
He devised the idea for a Poor People's Campaign that would culminate
with a march on Washington, DC. Martin envisioned half a million
impoverished Americans of every color, the wretched of the republic, and
their supporters pouring into the nation's capital to demand economic
justice, an end to their suffering. This vast panoply of the poor would
not simply march and demonstrate for a day or two and then disperse.
They would stay indefinitely in DC. They would encamp, become an
extensive tent city, and reside in the capital of the United States
until the federal government met their demands. This proposal caused
some people in Washington to absolutely panic. The US Army was convinced
that the indigent throng would soon transmogrify into an angry and
rebellious mob. There was no way those in power were going to allow this
to happen. Martin would be killed first.
So if James Earl Ray didn't do the killing, who did?
Around the time Ralph and I met James, the government itself was
reinvestigating the deaths of both Martin and John F. Kennedy. The House
Select Committee on Assassinations concluded that there was no
conspiracy to kill King. But the many volumes of evidence and related
materials pertaining to Martin's death were a trove of information, of
leads that should have been followed up. Predictably, the Department of
Justice was indifferent. The government accepted the conclusions and
dissolved the Committee. Most Americans, of course, were unlikely to
pore over this wealth of material that contained a lot of troubling
questions. I was determined to find out the answers. I had concluded
that James was innocent, that he was set up to be the fall guy.
Eventually, after many years of thorough investigation and analysis, I
would conclude that Martin Luther King was assassinated by individuals
in the Memphis Police Department and underworld figures, all working in
some sort of coordination with covert factions of the US government and
military.
See how William F. Pepper came to this conclusion, and the evidence that
led the jury to believe him, in part 2 of this interview (next issue).
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