| The Crime of Being Poor, part 2
by Paul Wright, editor, Prison Legal News
The first part of this article, published in our Sep/Oct '03 issue, may
be viewed at
www.wafreepress.org/65/crimeBeingPoor.htm
Murder for Hire
If war is the continuation of politics by other means, then murder for
hire is usually the continuation of business by other means. Once
thought of as the exclusive province of organized crime, most murder for
hire schemes involve spouses or business associates seeking to rub out
their significant others, usually with some type of pecuniary gain in
mind.
Recognizing that murder for hire is probably the most premeditated form
of murder there is, by definition it requires planning and conspiracy,
most states severely punish the solicitation or conspiracy to commit
murder. Severely punish, that is, unless the accused are wealthy. Almost
invariably the richer the would-be murderer, the lighter the punishment.
In 1994 Ruthann Aron was running for the US Senate in Maryland on the
Republican ticket. The millionaire real estate developer and lawyer
campaigned on a "tough on crime" platform, as most politicians in recent
decades have done. Aron wrote in an editorial for the Baltimore Sun
while campaigning for office: "We need to restore the quality of life in
our streets and in our neighborhoods by putting violent career criminals
behind bars permanently. No excuses.... I strongly support the death
penalty, truth in sentencing guidelines and minimum mandatory sentences
for violent offenders. The 'three strikes you're out' legislation is a
poor substitute for serious crime prevention measures. I favor stricter
'two strikes' legislation that puts dangerous offenders behind
bars--permanently."
As with most "tough on crime" advocates, harsh punishment is for the
poor. Aron was convicted in 1998 on charges she hired an undercover cop
posing as a hit man for $20,000 to murder her husband and an attorney
who had sued her over a business dispute. At trial, "no excuses" Aron
claimed she was mentally ill and had been sexually abused as a child.
Aron eventually pleaded no contest to the charges. Despite state
sentencing guidelines that call for a sentence of 8-18 years in prison,
Aron was sentenced to only 35 months in prison and five years probation.
She was allowed to remain in the Montgomery county jail to serve her
sentence rather than go to a state prison to serve her time. Aron was
released in 2000 after serving little more than two years in jail, with
some of that served on "home detention" in her mansion.
In 1996 another millionaire, Maryland real estate developer Charles
Shapiro, was convicted of conspiring to murder his cousin and business
partner Marvin Greenfield after Greenfield filed suit, claiming Shapiro
had stolen $3 million from their joint business. Shapiro was sentenced
to 15 years in prison. Ray Evans, a former policeman who was paid
$50,000 to kill Greenfield and botched two attempts, was sentenced to 27
years in prison. But with wealthy defendants, it seems criminal
sentences are rarely permanent. In 2001 Shapiro had his sentence reduced
by 2-1/2 years and became eligible for parole after serving only five
years in prison.
Sex Crimes
The past decade has seen the demonization of sex criminals. Sex
offenders must register with police and face a host of other
restrictions. But unlike crimes committed mostly by the poor, sex crimes
still allow for extremely lenient sentences of probation and suspended
sentences, with judges and prosecutors deciding who gets these light
sentences. It never hurts to be wealthy when convicted of a sex crime.
With the exception of drunk driving, no other crime cuts across class
lines more frequently than pedophilia. Yet what spurs judicial and
prosecutorial outrage when committed by the poor, provokes little more
than yawns when committed by the wealthy and well heeled.
Daniel Gajdusek won the Nobel Prize in medicine in 1976 for his research
in slow viruses that attack the body, such as mad cow disease and AIDS.
In 1997 Gajdusek, then 73, pleaded guilty in Maryland to two counts of
child sex abuse for molesting a 16-year-old boy he had brought to the US
from the Pacific Islands, where he had conducted most of his research
for decades. Gajdusek was sentenced to 30 years in jail but then had all
but 18 months of the sentence suspended by circuit court judge Jim
Dwyer.
All told, starting in the 1960s, Gajdusek brought 56 children, mostly
boys, from the Pacific Islands to his Maryland home, ostensibly to
educate them. At least five boys claimed that Gajdusek molested them.
Gajdusek served little less than a year in jail. But his lenient
treatment didn't stop there. Within hours of being released from jail in
1998 Gajdusek left for France, where prosecutors agreed to let him serve
his five-year probation unsupervised. Gajdusek's lawyer said he would
continue his "scientific work" there. Presumably poor pedophiles that
don't have Nobel prizes would have had to serve their probation
sentences in the US, and register as sex offenders with the attendant
hassles that that entails. That Gajdusek used his "work" as a ruse to
perpetrate his sexual abuse of children for almost four decades was not
mentioned by the court or prosecutors who frequently raise the topic in
other contexts.
In 1990 millionaire San Francisco hotel owner Donald Werby avoided child
rape charges in their entirety by pleading guilty to two misdemeanor
charges of contributing to the delinquency of a minor. Werby agreed to
pay a $300,000 fine and was sentenced to three years probation.
Originally, a grand jury had indicted Werby on 22 felony sex and drug
charges stemming from his hiring of underage prostitutes and furnishing
them with crack cocaine for sex. All the felony sex charges, with their
potential for prison time, sex offender registration, civil commitment,
etc., were quietly dropped.
Russell Macguire is the predatory pedophile that is every parent's
nightmare. But the heir to the Thompson submachine gun fortune, who was
once worth an estimated $100 million, has led a charmed existence with
the criminal justice system. In 1977 Maguire was charged with raping
several girls he was traveling with, but those charges were dropped. In
1978 he was found not guilty by reason of insanity for raping an
eight-year-old girl in a national park in Washington. In 1984 he was
convicted in Florida of molesting an eight-year-old girl who said
Maguire had lavished her with gifts, spent the night with her in his
condo, fed her baby food, made her lie on top of him and rubbed her
beneath her nightgown. Represented by F. Lee Bailey, Maguire pleaded no
contest to the charges and received ten years of probation.
In 1990 Maguire's probation was revoked for approaching children in a
supermarket parking lot and offering them $100 to get into his car with
him. While that is not illegal, Maguire's parole conditions prohibited
him from having contact with children. Maguire had his probation revoked
and was sent to prison for nine years. That proved short-lived as the
Florida Supreme Court held that the sentencing judge had exceeded
sentencing guidelines. Maguire spent a total of 27 months before being
released on probation again.
Rapper Tupac Shakur, who was killed in 1996, was convicted in 1994 of
first-degree sexual abuse for luring a fan into his hotel room in New
York City and groping her with some friends. At the time of his death,
Shakur was out on a $500,000 appeal bond. Appeal bonds for convicted
violent criminals are very rare, at least for poor ones. Given Shakur's
extensive prior criminal record, this appeal bond was doubly
exceptional.
Less than a year before the sex-abuse conviction, Shakur was convicted
of beating a video director and served 15 days in jail for the attack. A
month after that he was sentenced to ten days in jail for menacing fans
in Michigan. Six months after that he was charged with shooting two
off-duty cops in Atlanta, but those charges were later dropped. Five
months after being arrested on the sexual abuse charges in New York, and
while awaiting trial, Shakur was arrested in California on charges of
possessing pot and carrying a concealed weapon. Obviously Shakur's race
was hardly a disadvantage to him, as he managed to avoid anything but
the shortest of jail time for his crimes. If race was any disadvantage,
it was more than offset by his wealth and that of his record label,
which had a vested interest in keeping him out of prison and cutting
albums for them.
The War on Poor Drug Users
The war on drugs is really a war on poor drug users. Estimates of the US
drug trade vary widely from $100 to $600 billion a year. The most
obvious conclusion is that this money is not all coming from America's
poor who, by definition, don't have a lot of money. At any given time,
at least 400,000 people are imprisoned in American prisons or jails
based on drug crimes alone (possession, sale or trafficking). But if
rich and poor alike use drugs, and the law, in its majestic equality
punishes drug use by both, why do only the poor go to prison?
In 1997 Randall Cunningham was busted smuggling 400 pounds of marijuana
from California to Boston. Despite confessing to smuggling two other
drug shipments and being part of a huge drug smuggling operation,
Cunningham was only charged with one drug possession offense, to which
he pleaded guilty. Out on bond before sentencing, he tested positive for
cocaine use three times. In November 1998, he was sentenced to 30 months
in federal prison, despite statutes calling for a mandatory minimum
sentence of 5 years for possessing the 400 pounds of pot. Cunningham's
father, who made a tearful plea for mercy at his son's sentencing,
happens to be Randy "Duke" Cunningham, a US Republican congressman from
California. Four months before his son's arrest, Cunningham Sr. was
saying "we must get tough on drug dealers." At his son's sentencing, he
told the judge "My son has a good heart, he's never been in trouble
before." The same plea made by the parents of poor criminals falls on
deaf ears.
In July 1998, Claude Shelby was arrested smuggling a half-ounce of hash
from London into Atlanta. He was fined $500 by US Customs, which he paid
on the spot. His father is Republican senator from Alabama Richard
Shelby who has long championed draconian drug penalties. In response to
a constituent whose son was imprisoned on federal drug charges, senator
Shelby said: "Any person who is caught with drugs should spend the rest
of his life in prison. I have no sympathy for them." Senator Shelby
lacks the courage of his convictions.
Dan Burton is best known as the Republican congressman from Indiana who
pursued president Clinton like a modern day Ahab tormenting Moby Dick.
He has called for the death penalty for drug dealers. In 1994 his son,
Dan Burton II, was arrested transporting eight pounds of marijuana from
Texas to Indiana. While out of bail awaiting trial on those charges,
Burton II was arrested five months later growing 30 pot plants in his
Indianapolis apartment, with a shotgun to guard them. He never faced
federal prosecution, despite it being a federal offense to possess a
firearm both while awaiting trial and during a drug offense. Prosecuted
on state charges, he received house arrest, probation and community
service. Federal law calls for a mandatory minimum of five years for
possessing a firearm during a drug offense. For whatever reason, federal
prosecutors decided this crime wasn't worth prosecuting.
In 1992 Richard Riley Jr., the son of the former governor of South
Carolina, Richard Riley, who was Clinton's secretary of education, was
indicted on federal charges of conspiring to sell marijuana and cocaine.
He faced ten years to life in prison. Ultimately Riley Jr. was sentenced
to six months of house arrest. Riley Jr. was later pardoned as President
Clinton was leaving office in 2001.
In 2002, Noelle Bush, daughter of Florida governor Jeb Bush and niece of
President George Bush, was arrested on drug charges. Placed in a
treatment center, she was found in possession of crack cocaine, but
treatment staff would not cooperate with police, so charges were
dropped.
Darlene Watts is the sister of black Republican congressman from
Oklahoma Julius Caesar Watts. She received a seven-year suspended
sentence (i.e. no actual prison time) in 1998 after pleading guilty to
possession and distribution of marijuana and methamphetamine and drug
paraphernalia and maintaining a property where drugs were kept.
Political connections seem to have outweighed race.
It's a Money Thing
It has been said that that there are few problems in life that money
can't fix. When it comes to the American criminal justice system, it
would appear that few crimes are so serious, heinous or dastardly that
wealth can't resolve them.
Probably the most serious violent crimes in recent American history were
the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York
City and on the Pentagon in Washington D.C. The American national
security establishment quickly fingered Osama Bin Laden as the alleged
mastermind of the plot and put a $25 million bounty on his head. Bin
Laden himself is wealthy, but his extended family is extremely wealthy
from their multi-billion dollar construction and investment businesses.
At the time of the September 11 attacks some two dozen members of the
Bin Laden family were in the US. With FBI approval, they were spirited
out of the country by the Saudi Arabian embassy. None were even
questioned by law enforcement officials. It is common practice to
question the relatives of suspected criminals. Perhaps this is true for
poor criminals and their relatives, but not for well-heeled
billionaires. Regardless of how monumental the crime being investigated
may be.
Michael Milken is best known as the criminal financier who plundered
billions through the sale of junk bonds in the 1980s. Convicted of
securities fraud in 1991, Milken was originally sentenced to ten years
on prison. He had his sentence reduced by a judge and eventually served
only 22 months in federal prison. Milken's sentence included a lifetime
bar on ever working in the securities industry. Despite paying $1.1
billion dollars in fines and civil damages from his criminal rampage,
Milken remains a billionaire.
In 1997 the Securities and Exchange Commission brought charges against
Milken for brokering several big money mergers in the media industry. In
1998 Milken agreed to pay the SEC $47 million in exchange for the SEC
not filing charges to have his probation revoked. Each year some 200,000
people go to prison for violating the conditions of their parole or
probation. Presumably they lack the $47 million to make criminal charges
go away.
In 1994 singer Michael Jackson was facing criminal investigation on
charges he sexually assaulted a 14-year-old boy. The criminal
investigation floundered when Jackson paid the boy a settlement in the
10 to 50 million dollar range to settle a civil lawsuit brought by the
child. With the settlement the child stopped cooperating with
investigators. While a civil settlement is not the same as a criminal
conviction, the obvious point is that a poor accused child rapist can't
pay an alleged victim an eight-figure sum in cash to go away.
Those who trumpet the concept that all citizens, regardless of race or
class, are equal before the law may dismiss the above as isolated
examples. But how many isolated examples does it take to make a pattern?
On the contrary, it is aberrant for the wealthy who are convicted of
serious crimes to go to prison at all, much less for lengthy stays.
Hence the lack of correlation between criminal behavior and who goes to
prison.
Just as the criminal justice system is not a racist conspiracy, neither
is it a fair or equal system. Each step of the way, from policing, to
courts, to counsel, to sentencing, to prison, to parole and pardons, the
system falls most heavily on the backs of the poor, whether they are
innocent or guilty. Designed to control and contain the dangerous
classes, the criminal justice system "works" and functions perfectly
well in safeguarding the political and economic status quo. At $147
billion a year, America has the best criminal justice system money can
buy.
Sources: New Times, New York Times, Richmond Times Dispatch, Washington
Post, Dallas Morning News, National Law Journal, Washington Times,
Baltimore Sun, Palm Beach Post, Charleston Gazette, San Francisco
Chronicle, St.Petersburg Times, St. Louis Post Dispatch, Newsday, Los
Angeles Times, Rolling Stone, FAMM-Gram, Atlanta Journal Constitution,
North Coast Xpress, New Yorker, Seattle Times.
Special thanks to Thomas Sellman for research assistance in this
article. This article originally appeared in longer version in the June
2003 issue of Prison Legal News It was condensed and reprinted with
permission from the author. See www.prisonlegalnews.org for the complete
version.
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