War and Forgetfulness
Iraq: A Bloody Media Game
opinion by Norman Solomon
Three and a half years ago, some key information about UN weapons
inspectors in Iraq briefly surfaced on the front pages of American
newspapers -- and promptly vanished. Now, with righteous war drums
beating loudly in Washington, let's reach deep down into the news
media's Orwellian memory hole and retrieve the story.
"US Spied on Iraq Under UN Cover, Officials Now Say," a front-page New
York Times headline announced on Jan. 7, 1999. The article was
unequivocal: "United States officials said today that American spies
had worked undercover on teams of United Nations arms inspectors
ferreting out secret Iraqi weapons programs.... By being part of the
team, the Americans gained a first-hand knowledge of the investigation
and a protected presence inside Baghdad."
A day later, a followup Times story pointed out: "Reports that the
United States used the United Nations weapons inspectors in Iraq as
cover for spying on Saddam Hussein are dimming any chances that the
inspection system will survive."
With its credibility badly damaged by the spying, the UN inspection
system did not survive. Another factor in its demise was the US
government's declaration that sanctions against Iraq would remain in
place whether or not Baghdad fully complied with the inspection
regimen.
But such facts don't assist the conditioned media reflex of blaming
everything on Saddam Hussein. No matter how hard you search major
American media databases of the last couple of years for mention of
the spy caper, you'll come up nearly empty. George Orwell would have
understood.
Instead of presenting a complete relevant summary of past events,
mainstream US journalists and politicians are glad to focus on
tactical pros and cons of various aggressive military scenarios. While
a few pundits raise cautious warning flags, even the most absurd
Swiss-cheese rationales for violently forcing a "regime change" in
Baghdad routinely pass without challenge.
In late July, a Wall Street Journal essay by a pair of ex-Justice
Department attorneys claimed that the US would be "fully within its
rights" to attack Iraq and overthrow the regime--based on "the
customary international law doctrine of anticipatory self-defense." Of
course, if we're now supposed to claim that "anticipatory
self-defense" is a valid reason for starting a war, then the same
excuse could be used by the Iraqi government to justify an attack on
the US (even setting aside the reality that the US has been bombing
"no fly zones" inside Iraq for years).
Among the first to testify at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's
recent hearing on Iraq was "strategy scholar" Anthony Cordesman, a
former Pentagon and State Department official. He participated in the
tradition of touting another round of taxpayer-funded carnage as a
laudable innovation -- "our first preemptive war."
Speaking alongside Cordesman was Richard Butler, the head of the UN
weapons inspection program in Iraq at the time that it was spying for
Washington. At the Senate hearing, Butler suggested that perhaps the
Russian government could be induced to tell Baghdad: "You will do
serious arms control or you're toast." Like countless other officials
treated with great deference by the national press corps, Butler
strives to seem suave and clever as he talks up the wisdom of
launching high-tech attacks certain to incinerate troops and
civilians. As a matter of routine, US journalists are too discreet to
bring up unpleasant pieces of history that don't fit in with the
slanted jigsaw picture of American virtue.
With many foreign-policy issues, major news outlets demonstrate a
remarkable ability to downplay or totally jettison facts that
Washington policymakers don't want to talk about. The spy story that
broke in early 1999 is a case in point. But the brief flurry of
critical analysis that occurred at the time should now be revisited.
"That American spies have operations in Iraq should be no surprise," a
Hartford Courant editorial said on January 10, 1999. "That the spies
are using the United Nations as a cover is deplorable."
While noting "Saddam Hussein's numerous complaints that UN inspection
teams included American spies were apparently not imaginary," the
newspaper mentioned that the espionage operatives "planted
eavesdropping devices in hopes of monitoring forces that guarded Mr.
Hussein as well as searching for hidden arms stockpiles."
The US news media quickly lost interest in that story. We should ask
why.
Fending off the Threat of Peace
To fend off the threat of peace, determination is necessary. Elected
officials and high-level appointees must work effectively with
reporters and pundits.
This is no time for the US government to risk taking "yes" for an
answer from Iraq. Guarding against the danger of peace, the Bush
administration has moved the goal posts, quickly pounding them into
the ground. In early August, a State Department undersecretary swung a
heavy mallet. "Let there be no mistake," said John Bolton. "While we
also insist on the reintroduction of the weapons inspectors, our
policy at the same time insists on regime change in Baghdad - and that
policy will not be altered, whether inspectors go in or not."
A sinister cloud briefly fell over the sunny skies for war. The US
Congress got a public invitation. A letter from a top Iraqi official
"said congressional visitors and weapons experts of their choice could
visit any site in Iraq alleged to be used for development of chemical,
biological or nuclear weapons," USA Today reported.
Summing up the diplomatic overture, the front page of the New York
Times informed readers that the letter "was apparently trying to pit
legislators against the Bush administration" (a pithy phrase helping
to quash a dastardly peace initiative). Later on, the article noted
that "the letter said members of Congress could bring all the arms
experts they wanted and should plan to stay three weeks."
There may have been a moment of panic in Washington. On the face of
it, the August 5 invitation was unequivocally stating that members of
the Senate and House -- plus some of the best and most experienced
weapons inspectors in the world -- could go to Iraq and engage in a
thorough inspection process. That's similar to what the White House
has been demanding of Iraq for many years.
The news had ominous potential. It could derail the war train gaining
so much momentum this summer. But US media coverage matched the
bipartisan refusal by leaders in Congress to do anything but scorn the
offer.
Even before describing the invitation from Iraq's government, the
first words of the USA Today news story on Aug. 6 called it "the
latest Iraqi bid to complicate US invasion plans." That's some
reporting! When our most powerful politicians are hell-bent on
starting a war, complete with human misery and death of unfathomable
proportions, then the last thing they want is complications before the
bloodshed gets underway.
Why should anyone in Washington try to defuse this crisis when we have
such a clear opportunity to light such an enormous fuse in the Middle
East?
Oh sure, here at home, there are always some people eager to unleash
the dogs of peace. Not content to pray, they actually believe: Blessed
be the peacemakers. They don't defer to the machinery of war that
grinds human beings as if they were mere sausage. They don't make
peace with how determined the Executive Branch must be -- and how
sheepish and even cowardly the members of Congress must be -- so that
the bombs can fall in all their glory.
One of the people who's trying to impede the war drive is Scott
Ritter, a former chief weapons inspector for the UN in Iraq. "To
date," Ritter says, "the Bush administration has been unable -- or
unwilling -- to back up its rhetoric concerning the Iraqi threat with
any substantive facts."
In Britain, the press is failing to welcome the next war. On August 4
in the Observer, foreign affairs editor Peter Beaumont wrote: "The
question now appears to be not whether there will be a war, but when.
The answer is that in war, as other matters, timing is all. For
President George W. Bush that timing will be dictated by the demands
of a domestic political agenda."
A news story in the July 30 edition of the Financial Times began this
way: "Rolf Ekeus, head of United Nations weapons inspections in Iraq
from 1991-97, has accused the US and other Security Council members of
manipulating the UN inspections teams for their own political ends.
The revelation by one of the most respected Swedish diplomats is
certain to strengthen Iraq's argument against allowing UN inspectors
back into the country."
Such reporting, if widely pursued on this side of the Atlantic, could
seriously undermine the war planners. But don't worry. The threat of
peace is up against good ol' professional news judgment here in the
USA.
Norman Solomon's latest book is The Habits of Highly Deceptive Media..
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