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Betrayal of Conservatism
by
Paul Schafer
At the same time as the attack on Pearl Harbor,
the Japanese invaded the
Philippines. In early 1942, when they overran
Luzon Island, they placed
my father, then 11, and his family into an
internment camp, where they
were held until MacArthur returned in 1945.
When I was a child, my dad
related to me his despair as he watched the
American flag being lowered
at the start of his internment. This event
entered the folklore of my
family, which later returned to America ready
to begin a decades-long
period of Republican conservatism and patriotic
Americanism.
Eight years after World War II ended, he was back
in East Asia, flying
Air Force jets in Korea. His wartime experience at
the hand of one
totalitarian power was followed by a term of a voluntary
wartime
enlistment fighting another.
Just as the lowering of
the American flag had brought him despair, my
dad for much of his life
found comfort in American power, both military
and economic. During the
escalation years of the Vietnam War, he
supported the use of this power
and I followed his lead. When my
seventh-grade class wrote letters to
soldiers in Vietnam in 1968, I said
to a Private Cole that I would
probably join him over there when I was
old enough to enlist.
My Dad in the US Air Force: top row, fourth from left
Most of Dad's life was lived during the Cold War, which was
ending at
about the time he died, in 1990. In 2003, my stepmom asked
whether I
thought my dad would still be a Republican in today's USA.
After
carefully considering the question, I decided the answer was no.
He
would not be able to adhere to the current Republican line. In fact,
I
believe I faithfully represent his outlook when I say that he and
his
brand of genuine conservatism would feel betrayed by the leaders
of
today's Republican Party.
What is
Conservatism?
Conservatism means "support for small government,
balanced budgets,
fiscal prudence, and great skepticism about overseas
adventures." This
concise summary comes from Clyde Prestowitz, who in
the 1960s was a
young supporter of Barry Goldwater. My father, who also
was a Goldwater
Republican (as opposed to being a moderate Republican),
would have
agreed. I recall Dad as ascribing these duties to government:
act
strongly but prudently overseas, balance your budgets, show loyalty
to
your country and its basic tenets, decentralize power, foster a
climate
in which businesses can thrive, and secure personal freedoms,
including
a right to bear arms.
In the following sections, I
present evidence that today's Republicans
(the ones in control, at
least) have betrayed American conservatives on
most issues, and moreover
are best classified as radicals. I will
consider this shift from the
viewpoint of the American conservative I
knew best, my father, David W.
Schafer.
As I wrote this, I asked for help from my stepmother,
Patty Freyermuth,
and my uncle, Paul E. Schafer. They generously gave of
their time and
effort to verify my statements about my dad in light of
the conservatism
they shared with him.
Foreign Wars, Then and
Now
Although my father initially supported the Vietnam War, he
began to
disagree with the Vietnam policy in the late 1960s. I heard him
say,
"Either win the damn thing or pull out. Stop frittering away our
boys'
lives." This shows him as a follower, decades early, of the
Powell
doctrine: If you must fight a war, do it quickly and win
with
overwhelming force, with minimum loss of American life. Having
been
intimately involved with two wars, Dad was familiar with
war's
desolation. He felt that wars should be fought when needed, not
when
wanted.
Like my father, Colin Powell gained his wartime
perspective in East
Asia. Tragically, Powell was overruled by Rumsfeld,
Cheney, and Bush,
with the result that many lives continue to be
frittered away in Iraq.
My dad, lifelong Republican, would have rejected
the way the current war
is being waged.
I never knew whether my
father learned that Congress had voted on the
Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
after being given false
information--"intelligence"--that described a
naval attack that never took
place. But I think he would have found it a
horrific betrayal of US
service people, 50,000 of whom went on to die
needlessly in the
resulting war.
That was Johnson, this is
Bush: Presidents of either party can play that
game. Bush's reasons for
the Iraq war have been debunked; we know that
the administration's token
veteran, Colin Powell, clung to his reticence
to support the war as long
as possible, until ordered to make his
presentation (now recognized as
fallacious) at the United Nations.
In June 2004, even William F.
Buckley stated that--given what he knows
now--it was a mistake to invade
Iraq. Bill Buckley, has for years been a
hero to the conservative side
of my family, my dad included. He proves
you can have impeccable
conservative credentials and disagree with
George W. Bush. More
importantly, Buckley's statement shows that you can
change your position
when new facts emerge, something that the Bush
administration refuses to
do. It's OK, in other words, to adhere to
realism, not mere ideology. My
dad was able to change his mind to
respond to changing circumstances.
Conduct of the War
Would my dad want us to leave Iraq
now? Despite the false reasoning for
going to war, wouldn't he say that
we should stay there until we "win"?
I don't believe so, and it's
because he'd recognize this war as
unwinnable. It's unwinnable because
the US is using the wrong tools for
the task at hand. That is, the Bush
Administration seems to be trying to
fight a conventional war against an
opponent fighting a guerrilla war.
This is why the US may actually be
militarily forced out of Iraq in the
near future. A similar American
strategy lost in Vietnam.
Japanese troops lowering the American flag over Luzon.
This isn't a question of left or
right, liberal or conservative or
right-wing extremist; it's a matter of
realism, and the lack of it.
At the beginning of the war, Iraq's army
melted away and we swiftly
occupied Baghdad. But then our troops became
sitting ducks amongst a
populace who intimately know the climate, the
terrain, and every back
alley, and who outnumber the invaders almost 200
to 1, and--though they
lack weapons of mass destruction to attack
with--are nevertheless
well-armed and ingenious in means of bringing
death to young Americans. Sort of like Vietnam.
The
lessons from Vietnam don't stop there. Civilians join insurgencies
as
occupations wear on and become more desperate and brutal. (If George
W.
Bush had served in Vietnam, he might have learned lessons such as
this.)
On the other hand, real conservatives, such as General Brent
Scowcroft,
do not let ideology trump the lessons of history. After
serving as
national security advisor under two Republican presidents,
including
George H.W. Bush during Operation Desert Storm, he rightfully
predicted
that George W's adventure in Iraq would create "an explosion
of outrage
against us."
But we did invade, even if it was a mistake. What
now? I think Dad would
say our mission is done (Saddam has been ousted
and captured) and it's
time to "declare victory" and bring the troops
home to the parades they
deserve. The longer we wait, the more
ignominious will be our defeat,
and the more damage will be done to our
international standing.
Budgetary Madness
Our
country's spiraling debt would have repulsed my father. As a
real
conservative, he played by the rules: What gets spent must also
get
collected. For this reason, I think my dad would have disagreed with
the
"starve the beast" strategy envisioned by tax-radical Grover
Norquist
and practiced by the current Republican leadership.
President Reagan started off his first term with large tax
cuts. When he
later saw evidence that these tax cuts were fiscally
irresponsible, he,
acting as a realist, changed course. George W. Bush,
confronted with
similar evidence on an even larger scale, has pushed for
even more tax
cuts.
Since Bush took power, although Congress
has sent him its usual amount
of pork to sign into law, he is the first
president since Garfield to
have not once used the power of the veto.
Even the ultra-conservative
Heritage Foundation recently stated, "Budget
discipline clearly isn't a
priority of this administration..."
The budget problem is causing traditional conservatives to
leave the
Bush camp. At the beginning of August, 2004, a group of 200
business
executives announced that they would support John Kerry in the
November
election. Among the reasons why this group shifted their
allegiance are
rising health-care costs, record budget deficits, and
"America's
tarnished reputation in the world" under Bush.
Conservative commentator Kevin Phillips has written that,
although the
administration claims to adhere to the classic conservative
stance
against big government, "when it's big government that takes care
of the
oil industry or bails out financial institutions or pumps money
into the
Pentagon, then they tend to be in favor of that."
Even Bill Buckley has said that the growth of the federal
government
under the current President Bush "bothers me
enormously."
Defending the Constitution
If there's
one thing that conservatives have been known to staunchly
defend, it's
the US Constitution. And this may be where Bush's betrayal
is the most
egregious. One glaring example of unconstitutional behavior
overseas is
the decision to spend $700 million on a "massive, covert
public works
program" in Kuwait in 2002, although Congress (which alone
has
constitutional power to decide where money is spent) had allocated
that
money for the Afghan campaign. Not only that, the Bush people
neglected
to inform Congress that they had decided to divert the money.
This
violated Article 1, Section 9, Clause 7 of the US Constitution.
Other
examples are easy to find, varying from overt (illegal detentions)
to
more subtle but continual attempts to diminish the civil liberties
that
define our freedom.
The natural repercussion of this behavior
is, of course, impeachment,
but why has that not happened? Only because
the House, for the moment,
is in the hands of Republicans, not
traditional moderate or conservative
Republicans but radicals who
apparently have no interest in conserving
the validity, the honor, of
the US Constitution.
Corporate Patriotism: Absent Without
Leave
My dad was born during the presidency of Herbert Hoover.
The Depression
that began on Hoover's watch eventually caused my
grandfather to move
his family to a US territory overseas, the
Philippines, to find work.
Under George W. Bush, the United States has
suffered job losses on a
scale not seen since Hoover. But moving
overseas isn't the option in
2004 that it was in the 1930s, at least not
if you're a worker. Under
Bush, though, it's a different matter for
corporations.
If you're an American corporation, what
advantages might you find
overseas? Two: By employing workers in India
or China, you pay less in
labor costs than you would if you employed
American workers. And with
your corporate address in another country,
say, Bermuda, you can avoid
paying US taxes.
The results are
obvious. Every job shipped overseas is an American job
lost. Not only
does this devastate the worker who lost the job (and the
worker's
family); it puts downward pressure on wages, which spreads the
suffering
to other Americans in the same industry and region.
When
corporations avoid paying US taxes, this shifts the tax burden to
the
loyal companies and individuals who remain here. Is that fair? Of
course
not. Has Bush cracked down on companies that do this--for example,
by
refusing to grant the offending corporations major defense
contracts?
No, and that's the biggest outrage: Our tax dollars are
rewarding
corporations that are undermining the economic strength of our
country.
But Bush could at least use the bully pulpit, right? Has he
once held a
news conference or a major policy speech in which he's asked
US citizens
to "buy American"? No, and why is that? Some of his biggest
campaign
contributors are the same companies that are shipping US jobs
overseas.
Immigration Reform
A recent Bush
administration plan gives eight million illegal immigrants
temporary
visas for the duration of their jobs. This plan has drawn
criticism from
Latino leaders as being exploitative.
Bush's position is
explainable in terms of his allegiance with the major
agribusiness
concerns that would benefit from using large numbers of
low-wage
laborers that not only are guaranteed to be temporary but are
legal, and
thus more convenient.
But Bush's plan has also drawn fire from
conservative groups who feel
that illegal immigrants should be deported.
In fact, Bush's plan has
ignited support for immigration-reform champion
Rep. Tom Tancredo
(R-CO), and much is being made of the movement to
persuade conservatives
to cast write-in votes for Rep. Tancredo for
President in 2004.
I recall my dad as opposing mass
immigration. But would he have given
his vote to a one-issue candidate
like Tancredo? Probably not, but Dad
had an unconventional side that
would have caused him to at least flirt
with the idea of a Tancredo
vote.
Conservatism and Conservation
Estimates vary,
but only about 40 years remain of petroleum consumption.
This number is
probably high, considering that major oil suppliers have
lowered their
estimates of petroleum reserves. In addition, rapid
industrialization
and rising standard of living in China and other areas
of the developing
world are causing large increases in oil consumption.
Knowing that at
most two generations remain of gasoline-consumption
levels, what should
we do? How do we make sure our standard of living
continues? Continue
down our current path? You might choose that if your
only goal is
oil-company profits, but you'd probably find it foolish if
your goal is
a soft landing--a stable and smooth transition to the next
energy
sources.
So, where would Dad have stood? In college, my father
was taught
"economic geology," in which ore is extracted in such a way
that none is
wasted; that is, no "high-grading." This is the principle
of
conservation as practiced in the mining industry. Later in life,
he
installed "passive solar" heating on his house, to conserve energy.
In
both examples, conservation--not waste or short-term profits--made
sense
to him without conflicting with his conservatism. (And how does
the
current Republican Administration promote conservation? A federal
tax
break for Hummers and other large SUVs.)
Radicalism, this
Time on the Right
This year's election reminds me of 1972. Many
who look back on that year
feel that the party led by George McGovern
had been taken over by
radicals, and blame them for the landslide loss
the Democrats suffered.
I think many non-radical Republicans are
beginning to view 2004 as a
possible repeat, with the Republican
radicals coming out on the losing
end this time.
A number of
high-profile conservatives have already defected from the
Bush camp and
have called for his defeat. They recognize the radical
direction he is
leading the country in and see the dangers. They have a
wide variety of
reasons.
- In June 2004, for example, a group calling
itself Diplomats and
Military Commanders for Change issued a statement
that calls for Bush's
defeat, based on the damage George W. Bush has
done to our national
security. This group is composed of retired
military commanders and
former senior diplomatic officials.
(
www.
diplomatsforchange.com/project/statement.shtml)
- Ed
Stringer, a longtime moderate Republican and former Minnesota
Supreme
Court justice, has stated that he will back John Kerry in this
year's
presidential election, and has contributed to the Kerry
campaign.
(Stringer voted for Bush in 2000.)
- A Nixon/Ford
appointee to the EPA (and lifelong Republican) has
declared that he'll
vote for Kerry, saying: "It's almost as if the motto
of the
administration in power today in Washington is not
environmental
protection, but polluter protection."
(www.alternet.org/election04/log/)
- In an interview with the
British newspaper the Guardian, Michael
Scheuer, a 22-year veteran of
the CIA, said that al Qaeda, aware that
they "can't have a better
administration for them than the one they have
now," could well be
planning to strike within the US this fall in order
to help the
re-election chances of George W. Bush, banking on the theory
that
Americans will again rally around Bush the way they did in
September
2001. The reason for this is that Bush is "taking the US in
exactly the
direction Bin Laden wants, towards all-out confrontation
with Islam
under the banner of spreading democracy."
Dad Believed
in a Bright Future
Dad loved our country and was optimistic
about it. He lived in many
states, and he visited all fifty. He had
faith in the ability of
capitalism to bring opportunity--he himself had
been an entrepreneur--and
he would have been thrilled to see a
free-market Russia replace the
Soviet Union. But just as post-Soviet
Russia eventually descended into
mob rule, America's capitalism has
become a haven for elite,
well-connected corporations, some with no
qualms about moving their
"headquarters" overseas. (Today's radical
conservatives seem to demand
high moral standards only from the poor,
but rarely from the wealthy and
powerful. How long did it take to indict
Ken Lay?)
By courting cronyism, today's Republican Party is hobbling
capitalism
and accelerating the ruin of the system. Are Adam Smith's
free market
forces really at work when the largest and
best-connected
corporations--sometimes directly connected to the Vice
President or to
the President's family--receive welfare (often under the
guise of
military spending) that is financed by shifting the tax burden
downward?
Dad also loved his freedom. He would have been
appalled that a
politician might consider proposing the intrusive and
restrictive
measures that the Patriot Act and related legislation have
granted to
the central government. Further, he would have been aghast
that such
laws would actually pass. (When legislators make such a
conscious effort
to restrict freedoms, they neither honor our founding
principles nor
serve the people.) Dad would have been optimistic that
our freedoms
would expand, not diminish, and he would have been mad as
hell that our
own government--a big, fat, Republican government at
that--is restricting
rights! And no, he wouldn't have accepted a
terrorist attack as an
excuse.
How would my father vote in
2004? I cannot answer, but I believe he
would have felt that traditional
American principles, what he saw as his
own conservative principles,
have been abandoned--betrayed, even--by his
old party, the
GOP.
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